Changes in argument structure in the course of derivation in Hungarian

For all types of derivation characterised as productive by Kiefer (2000), the original version of Model Tau (Alberti 1997), dealing only with verbal derivation coming with no category change, can be extended to the entire spectrum of derivations; moreover, it can be extended in a straightforward way: the single novel factor is the central case frame peculiar to particular word categories. For instance, if the predicator is a noun, what corresponds to the case frame in the sphere of verbs, is the case frame ; this mapping is immediately observable in the case of -ÓjA (Laczkó 2005a), a suffix forming nouns in an argument-structure retaining way (elcsábít 'seduce' → elcsábítója '(someone's) seducer'). The case frame characteristic of the output word category supplies an upper limit, within which the actual realization can belong to five types that precisely coincide with the five basic types of category-preserving verbal (and participial) derivation discussed Alberti (1997). How can these five basic types be derived? The crucial factor of each argument-structure transition is "advancement" of an argument (parallel with the "degradation" of another argument) in a sense that can be precisely defined in Model Tau

Where are possible worlds? (arguments for REALIS)

We follow Pollard (2007) in assuming that the mainstream Kripke/Montagueinspired possible-worlds semantics is “a framework known to have dubious foundations” (primarily because of the granularity problem), and “worlds are constructed from propositions […], and not the other way around”. We intend to work out this approach in a DRT-based framework, called ReALIS, in order to account for phenomena concerning referent accessibility, at the same time. We claim that our system offers a general solution to problems of intensional identity, and it is devoid of DRT’s “extra level” problem—by embedding discourse representations in the world model, not directly but as parts of the representations of interpreters’ minds, i.e., their (permanently changing) information states/“internal worlds”. Hence, there is simply no intensionality in ReALIS as interpreters’ “worldlets” (in description of their brains within the entire model of the universe) carry all kinds of information (BDI, guesswork, dream) typically “entrusted to” possible worlds

Položaji argumenata u kosim padežima u mađarskim imenskim skupinama

We argue that there are four positions open to oblique case-marked arguments within the Hungarian noun phrase structure, of which certain ones have never been mentioned in the literature while even the others have been discussed very scarcely (for different reasons, which are also pointed out in the paper). In order to formally account for these four positions and the data “legitimizing” them, we provide a new DP structure integrating the basically morphology-based Hungarian traditions with the cartographic Split-DP Hypothesis (Giusti 1996; Ihsane and Puskás 2001). We point out that, chiefly by means of the four positions for oblique case-marked arguments in Hungarian noun phrases and the operator layers based upon them, this language makes it possible for its speakers to explicitly express every possible scopal order of arguments of verbs, even if the given verbs are deeply embedded in complements of deverbal nominalizers.U radu se pokazuje da argumenti u kosim padežima u mađarskom mogu zauzimati četiri položaja. Neki se položaji uopće ne spominju u literaturi, dok je o ostalima bilo vrlo malo riječi (zbog različitih razloga, od kojih neke ističemo u radu). Kako bismo formalno opisali te položaje i jezične podatke koji ih "legitimiraju", predlažemo novu strukturu imenske skupine u kojoj integriramo morfološki utemeljenu mađarsku gramatičku tradiciju i kartografsku hipotezu o razdvojenoj determinatorskoj skupini (Giusti 1996; Ihsane and Puskás 2001). Pokazujemo da taj sustav s četiri položaja za imenske skupine u kosom padežu te sustavom operatorskih razina koji se temelji na njima omogućuje govornicima mađarskoga da eksplicitno izraze sve moguće poretke glagolskih argumenata, čak i ako su uklopljeni duboko unutar dopuna glagolskih poimeničenja

Az intenzionalitás számítógépes nyelvészeti kezelése : avagy a ReALIS szintfüggvénye

Kutatócsoportunk szeme eltt továbbra is [5], [6] az a hosszú távon kifizetd cél lebeg, miszerint az intelligens számítógépes nyelvészeti célokat (pl. fordítás, kivonatolás) az egymással kommunikáló humán interpretálói „elmék” eALIS-modelljének [1]-[3] implementálására alapozva kívánjuk megvalósítani. A jelen munkaszakaszban a mondatok (alkotta diskurzusok) intenzionális jelentésrétegének megragadását tztük ki, ami els lépésben az elmélet kínálta elvek és ötletek [8] specifikálását és célorientált formalizálását jelenti, második lépésben pedig az erre épül implementációt. Dönten magyar lexikai tételeken mutatom be az intenzionalitás „tetten érését” és formális megragadását, ami a legkisebb toldalékok komplex jelentéstani analízisétl, a legkülönfélébb szófajba es szavak elemzésén keresztül, nagyobb diskurzusegységek interpretálói információállapotba való beágyazódása intenzionális tényezinek feltárásáig terjed. Megközelítésünk kiemelked erényének tartjuk, hogy nemcsak az „üzenetet” alkotó szavak puszta jelentésébl összeálló információt tárjuk fel és implementáljuk, hanem az üzenet megbízhatóságát is, valamint az üzenet forrását jelent interpretáló információállapotának releváns tényezit, a grice-i értelemben vett „ideális beszéli” karaktertl való eltérés elemzése révén

GeLexi project : sentence parsing based on a GEnerative LEXIcon

The principal aim of our research team, called GeLexi, is to legitimate a new sort of generative grammar via verifying its computational implementability. This grammar is more radically "lexicalist" than any earlier one: no phrase structure trees are generated, but word order is accounted for by means of ranked parameters. Another novelty is the extension of "total lexicalism" to morphology: lexical items are assigned not to words but to morphemes. Our parser, in accordance with the basic task of every generative grammar, decides whether a sentence is grammatical, and if it is, then provides a morphophonological analysis, a compilation of grammatical relations, and two kinds of semantic representations. At the end we show some examples to demonstrate our procedures, among them a sentence containing the conjunction és 'and', which is our latest development

Passzivizálási művelet a magyarban

The article provides an analysis of the Hungarian predicative verbal adverbial construction, which may include adverbials derived from transitive as well as intransitive verbs, but there are also unacceptable cases in both types. The “transitive type” is like a passive form in that it includes the original transitive verb's object marked with Not whereas the original subject is not present. The “intransitive type”, however, does not look like the result of some kind of passivization: there is no subject deletion, and the original intransitive verb has no (surface) object at all (de Groot 1995). The intransitive type does not resemble even impersonal passive constructions (e. g. in Norwegian) where the original subject is deleted. Nevertheless, the straightforward analogy of the two types and the argument structure change in the transitive type, typical of passivization, have led me to the conclusion that the two verbal adverbial types are to be assigned a single common “passivization” rule. I demonstrate that such a rule can be formulated in hierarchical thematic theories, like that of LFG (Bresnan Kanervá 1989) and Model Tau (1994). This approach, furthermore, yields a crosslinguistic theory of (normál “transitive” and extended “intransitive”) passivization types, and promises the predictability of their divergent semantic properties